Table of Contents:
  • 3.3.2 Syntactic factors
  • 3.3.2.1 Presence of intervening material. Material that intervenes between the matrix verb and the subject or verb of the CC is expected to reflect an increase in the complexity ("heaviness") of and the distance between the syntactic constituents MC and C
  • 3.3.2.2 Grammatical person. I coded grammatical person as first person singular or plural, second person singular, and third person singular or plural in the MC and CC. First person is expected to favor the prosodic integration of CCs in both languages gi
  • 3.3.2.3 Subject expression. This factor includes the variants: Null (unexpressed)
  • Personal pronoun (English: 'I', 'you', 'he/she/it', 'we', 'they'
  • Spanish: yo (I), tuÌ?/vos/usted (you), eÌ?l/ella (he/she), nosotros/as (we), ellos/as (them), ustedes (you all
  • 3.3.2.4 Expression of complementizer. I expect the expression of 'that' in English, as in Example 14 below, will favor the appearance of a CC in a different IU from the MC given that the presence of the complementizer that "serves to demarcate the boundar
  • 4. Results
  • 4.1 Analysis of semantic integration of MC + CC constructions
  • 4.2 Results of multivariate analysis
  • 5. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
  • Appendix
  • Generalized gradability and extremeness in Puerto Rican Spanish
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Background
  • 2.1 Gradability
  • 2.2 Extremeness
  • 3. Lexicalization of extremeness in Puerto Rican Spanish
  • 3.1 Properties
  • 3.2 Quantity
  • 3.3 Prototypical
  • 3.4 Action/event
  • 4. Gradability and events
  • 5. A formal model for event gradability
  • 5.1 Generalized gradability
  • 5.2 The measurement operator
  • 5.3 Generalized extremeness
  • 6. Conclusion
  • References
  • On the mistaken identity of negated epistemics
  • 1. Background and introduction
  • 2. Properties of subjunctive complement clauses.
  • 2.1 Properties shared by all negation-triggered subjunctive clauses
  • 2.2 Properties shared by subjunctive complements to negated epistemics and emotives
  • 3. p vs. F level predicates
  • 4. The dual status of negation
  • 5. Negation: Different scope configurations for F vs. p level predicates
  • 6. The unboundedness of negation-triggered subjunctive complements
  • 6.1 A formal notion of boundedness: Giorgi and Pianesi (1997)
  • 6.2 On the (un)boundedness of subjunctive complements
  • 6.3 Anti-veridicality and (un)boundedness
  • 6.4 Durative modification in presupposed contexts
  • 7. Conclusion
  • References
  • The mestizo speech
  • 1. A framework for the discussion
  • 2. Participants' selection criteria
  • 2.1 Different approaches to the reality of multilingual speakers
  • 2.2 An example: Perception of English corrective focus by L1 Inuktitut speakers
  • 3. Task choice
  • 3.1 Speech and writing
  • 3.2 Orthography and the acquisition of segments
  • 3.3 Task choices and the acquisition of intonation
  • 4. Discussion
  • 4.1 Experimental responses to the study of multilingual participants
  • 4.2 Insights from cultural studies
  • 5. Concluding remarks
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
  • Stressed clitics in Argentine Spanish
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Stressed clitics in Argentine Spanish
  • 3. Phonological characteristics of clitics
  • 4. Current study
  • 4.1 Predictions
  • 5. Methodology
  • 5.1 Data
  • 5.2 Data analysis
  • 6. Results
  • 6.1 Duration
  • 6.2 Pitch
  • 6.3 Intensity
  • 6.4 Summary
  • 7. Discussion
  • 7.1 A comparison of our results to Colantoni and Cuervo (2013)
  • 7.2 Implications for a PW-internal (or external) phonological representation
  • 7.3 Implications for a morphosyntactic analysis
  • 8. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
  • On the simplification of a prosodic inventory
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Literature review.
  • 2.1 Theoretical framework
  • 2.2 The intonational phonology of Spanish declaratives
  • 3. Data collection and analysis
  • 4. Findings
  • 4.1 Prenuclear pitch accents
  • 4.2 Nuclear configurations
  • 4.2.1 Non-terminal ips
  • 4.2.2 IP-nuclear configurations
  • 5. A new proposal to account for the data
  • 6. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
  • Segmental anchoring in Peruvian Amazonian Spanish intonation
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Previous studies and motivation
  • 2.1 Segmental Anchoring Hypothesis and Invariant Rise Hypothesis
  • 2.2 Goals and research questions
  • 3. Methodology
  • 3.1 Dialect under study and participants
  • 3.2 Task and procedure
  • 3.3 Stimuli
  • 3.4 Data analysis
  • 4. Results
  • 4.1 Effect of number of prosodic words in segmental duration
  • 4.2 Tonal alignment in relation to the stressed syllable and the stressed vowel
  • 4.3 Tonal alignment within the stressed vowel (as a percentage)
  • 5. Discussion and conclusion
  • References
  • Appendix
  • Target Sentences
  • The prosody-pragmatics interface in the pragmaticalization of ¡Hombre! as a discourse marker
  • 1. Introduction
  • 1.1 Types of prosodic research in pragmatics
  • 1.2 Pragmaticalization & discourse markers
  • 1.3 Previous literature of discourse marker hombre
  • 2. Current study
  • 2.1 Research questions
  • 2.2 Participants & procedures
  • 2.3 Methodology & measures
  • 3. Results
  • 3.1 Qualitative results: Discourse analysis
  • 3.1.1 Attenuation
  • 3.1.2 Reformulation
  • 3.1.3 Reinforcement
  • 3.2 Quantitative results
  • 3.2.1 Phonetic analysis
  • 3.2.1.1 Duration. Statistical analysis was conducted using R (R Development Core Team 2010) to examine the impact of pragmatic category (attenuation, reformulation, reinforcement) on the two different temporal measures, relative syllable duration and abso.
  • 3.2.1.2 Relative peak alignment. Statistical analysis was conducted using R (R ƯDevelopment Core Team, 2010) to examine the impact of pragmatic category on the spectral parameter of relative peak alignment. A one-way ANOVA, F(2,86) = 148.9, p <.001, indi
  • 3.2.1.3 Syllable mean pitch difference. Statistical analysis was conducted using R (R Development Core Team 2010) to examine the impact of pragmatic category on the spectral parameter of syllable mean pitch difference. As this measure was calculated by su
  • 3.2.1.4 Pitch range (Hz). Statistical analysis was conducted using R (R Development Core Team 2010) to examine the impact of pragmatic category on the spectral parameter of pitch range. A one-way ANOVA, F(2,86) = 3.83, p = 0.03, indicated a significant ma
  • 3.2.1.5 Syllable mean intensity (dB) difference. Statistical analysis was conducted using R (R Development Core Team 2010) to examine the impact of pragmatic category on the amplitudinal parameter of syllable mean intensity difference. As this measure was
  • 3.2.1.6 Intensity range (dB). Statistical analysis was conducted using R (R Development Core Team 2010) to examine the impact of pragmatic category on the amplitudinal measure of intensity range (dB). Results indicated no significant effect of pragmatic c
  • 3.2.1.7 Phonetic results summary. The acoustic measurements, taken together, illustrate a number of differences between the three previously identified pragmatic categories. Specifically, while there was no difference in the temporal elements of the diffe
  • 3.2.2 Phonological analysis
  • 4. Discussion
  • 5. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
  • Appendix
  • Sample questions from semi-directed interview
  • Sociolinguistic implications on perception
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Previous investigations
  • 2.1 Research on the sociolinguistic influence on speech perception.